Russia Update- 03.06.2001

 

Bush, Putin, and American Jews:
Prospects for Russian Jewry

NCSJ hosted a briefing February 26 at the Plenum of the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, featuring a presentation by Michael McFaul, Senior Associate of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and an assistant professor and Hoover Institution Fellow at Stanford University.  Dr. McFaul assessed the trajectory of ‘Putinism’ in Russia and the implications for U.S. policy.  Following his presentation, NCSJ Executive Director Mark B. Levin reviewed the status of Russian Jewry and NCSJ President Robert J. Meth – who chaired the session – reviewed ongoing community outreach.  Their remarks are summarized below.  

Michael McFaul

When Boris Yeltsin originally named Vladimir Putin as Prime Minister in 1999, he seemed like a transitional figure along the lines of other temporary Prime Ministers.  He also projected an unclear image, advocating for integration with the West despite his KGB background and inclination to use force.  After one year of Putin’s presidency, however, his record and trajectory have clearly moved in a negative direction.  The remaining ambiguities relate to his foreign policy and the balance he seeks between courting the West and satisfying Russia’s traditional allies.

With respect to President Putin’s approach, all the news is bad.

1. Elections: The election process has been corrupted, with serious campaign violations and the “blatant manipulation of state resources” to ensure victories in Russia’s last parliamentary and presidential elections.  Putin has expressed concern about Russia having a “weak state”, which is true in areas of health and education.  But on other issues in the social and political spheres, the state “crowds out private activity.”

2. Chechnya: Putin’s attitude and policies toward Chechnya amount to “several steps backward” rather than one, and as a short-term measure are unlikely to facilitate democratic consolidation in the long term.  Contrary to Western assumptions, Putin’s Chechnya campaign was not a significant factor in his election, with independent opinion polls showing the Russian public evenly divided on this issue.

3. Press Freedom: The press was “the one glimmering hope” during the 1990s – “a bulwark against Russian state excesses.”  Coverage of the first Chechnya campaign by NTV, Vladimir Goussinsky’s independent television network, was instrumental in raising public pressure on then-President Yeltsin to end the war.  As President, Vladimir Putin appears to have won his battle against NTV this time, but only one of many he will fight.  This also marks the classic onset of self-censorship, as other journalists and advocates learn the consequences of public opposition to the state and develop a fear of speaking freely.

4. Political Parties:  Putin’s efforts to limit the number of political parties and to restore state funding will lead to fuller state control over the political process.

5. Governors: Putin’s actions to remove problematic regional governors without due process set a bad precedent.  It is not the final word at that level, however, as governors remain strong political forces in their own right.

6. Civil Society: Human rights activists, religious organizations and other sectors of civil society are under assault from the government.  This is not necessarily based on a policy decision at the top level, but more a result of security officials assuming a freer hand since the President is a KGB veteran.

7. Oligarchs: This class of wealthy power-brokers is “a mixed blessing”, since the oligarchs do represent a check on state power.

8. Westerners: Western experts and advocates are now subject to harassment and denunciation, not only by extremist groups but in mainstream circles as well.

Russia faces a choice as to how it should proceed.  Putin’s public message suggests Russia should postpone democratization until economic reforms can be fully implemented, raising two difficulties.  First, economic reforms produce a stronger state, rather than the reverse.  Second, dictatorship in most instances has not been shown to spur economic reform and growth.  The good news is that Putin does not appear to have a decisive policy agenda or blueprint for maximizing state control.  At the same time, the Russian human rights community is beginning to unify, in response to the government’s policies, as never before.

The Bush administration faces a challenge in reconciling its own campaign rhetoric to the realities of foreign policy.  The Bush team has pledged to maintain a ‘traditional’ foreign policy and avoid forays into nation-building and domestic politics of foreign countries, activities in which the Clinton administration was probably overly engaged.  The question is: Which Republican Party will emerge – the realpolitik of Nixon or the principled championing of Reagan?  The Administration seems to understand that it cannot ignore domestic issues completely, and it is critical that democracy advocates weigh in now while the new administration is shaping its approach.

Mark B. Levin

Many religious communities other than Jews are currently experiencing difficulties in Russia, largely in relation to the restrictive 1997 Law on Religion.  Three basic points are relevant to the Russian Jewish community:

1. Putin:  Under President Vladimir Putin, the Russian government has pursued a public campaign of outreach to the Jewish community, stressing style over substance.  Putin visits and participates in  community activities of the groups he considers “loyal”, and has affirmed Jewish community rights in speeches.  His administration, however, has responded sluggishly to anti-Semitic incidents and has apparently sought to aggravate internal community disagreements for political advantage.

2. Anti-Semitism: Official anti-Semitism does not exist in Russia at the national level.  At the regional and local levels, however, a number of governors and other officials have resorted to anti-Semitism and established ties with extremist movements.  Recently, American white supremacist David Duke has also started building a popular base in Russia.  More important than speaking out against anti-Semitism is the government’s follow-up on the ground.

3. U.S. Role: U.S. administrations have always been supportive on these issues of concern.  In its first few weeks in office, the Bush administration has already played a forceful role by engaging the Russian government on freedom of the press and interference in Jewish community affairs.

The growing split within the Russian Jewish community involves substance as well as personalities.  NCSJ has tried to act as an honest broker in addressing and resolving the outstanding issues and concerns, in addition to urging the Russian government to refrain from taking sides.

The ongoing government crisis and public demonstrations in Ukraine are cause for general concern.  Fortunately, the Jewish community has not become a scapegoat nor been asked to choose sides.  In Ukraine, as in Russia, any change in the political environment will impact on the Jewish community, and NCSJ’s role is to promote democracy and conditions favorable to the flourishing of Jewish life throughout the former Soviet Union.

Robert J. Meth

Three representative programs for community outreach are the Kehilla Projects, the Texas-Russia Student Exchange, and the new initiative on domestic violence in Russia.

1. Kehilla: Kehilla projects support the NCSJ advocacy agenda by helping to facilitate partnerships between American Jewish organizations and communities and Jewish communities in the successor states.  Every American Jewish community, congregation or individual represents an opportunity for establishing an important connection and relationship with Jews in the FSU.  These community-to-community relationships involve multi-agency participation often coordinated by the Jewish Community Relations Council in the city.  Examples of active partnerships are Boston and Dnepropetrovsk, Ukraine; Baltimore and Odessa, Ukraine; Chicago and Kyiv, Ukraine; Western Connecticut and Kazan, Russia; and Richmond and Voronezh, Russia.

2. Student Exchange: Sponsored by NCSJ, the Jewish Federation of Greater Houston and Texas Hillel, in March 2001 a group of 10 Hillel students from University of Texas will join 10 Moscow Hillel students in Moscow for a week of student leadership training in advocacy and human rights.  The students will meet with the leadership of the Jewish community of Moscow, Russian officials, media, and American and Israeli representatives in Russia.  This is the second year the program has been conducted and serves as a model for other leadership-development efforts in the successor states.

3. Domestic Violence: NCSJ has applied its advocacy record to securing a U.S. State Department grant, together with Jewish Women International, for an 18-month training program on domestic violence awareness in two Russian communities – Tula and Voronezh.  Participants have already visited Washington for orientation and will continue developing programs in Russia.  This is the first time such a program has been conducted through the religious sector, one of the bedrocks of Russian civil society.