Network Could Replace High-Level Panel
By Alan Sipress
In his meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Saturday,
President Bush will propose that relations between the two countries be
managed through direct contacts by a network of officials that would
replace a high-level joint commission run by Vice President Al Gore
during the Clinton administration, according to U.S. officials.
Administration officials said the commission, which was established
in 1993 by Gore and Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and
oversaw most major issues between the two countries, has proven
inflexible and ineffective.
"The relationship has kind of moved beyond that," a senior
State Department official said. "The idea was that the Gore-Chernomyrdin
commission was going to work itself out of a job and that contacts
[between individual officials] would become self-sustaining."
By abolishing the commission, the Bush administration effectively
would place U.S.-Russian relations back on the same footing that existed
before the Clinton years, a much more decentralized approach involving a
broader array of government agencies and officials.
The Bush administration has already begun talking with the Russians
about how to establish bilateral groups to address issues of nuclear
proliferation and the U.S. plan to build a ballistic missile shield,
which Moscow opposes.
Russian officials have proposed two working groups to deal with the
nature of the threat posed by the spread of long-range missiles and the
future of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which would prohibit
the American development of a missile defense, according to a senior
administration official. The official said the United States welcomes
the creation of the working groups, but wants to organize them
differently so they do not become an obstacle to the president's missile
shield proposal.
On the economic front, administration officials said the relationship
no longer is dominated by the kind of questions that the Gore-Chernomyrdin
commission once wrestled with, such as whether the United States would
support International Monetary Fund loans to Russia or how to respond to
Moscow's calls for debt forgiveness. These issues have become less
pressing largely because the Russian economy has stabilized as the
result of a ruble devaluation and increased revenue from higher oil
prices.
Administration officials said they will propose a two-tier set of
economic contacts to address the wider range of issues now on the
agenda. The two governments will hold discussions on one level while
business executives from the two countries open their own lines of
communication.
"A focus on trade and investment calls for strengthening
business-to-business relationships," said Alan P. Larson, U.S.
undersecretary of state for economic, business and agricultural affairs,
in a speech to American and Russian business leaders this month.
"The administration is exploring ways enhanced business ties can
improve the investment climate."
He said these efforts must focus on creating legal codes,
transparency in business dealings and financial institutions that can
support economic cooperation. Also on the agenda, he said, could be
Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization and the development
of its oil and gas industry.
The administration is proposing that regional issues, such as
Afghanistan or the Balkans, be handled on a case-by-case basis. For
instance, a senior State Department official pointed to the U.S.-Russia
working group on Afghanistan, which has met three times, most recently
under the direction of Deputy Secretary of State Richard L. Armitage and
his Russian counterpart. The group recorded success last year when it
agreed on a plan to impose United Nations sanctions on the country's
Taliban government. Another model cited by Bush officials is the Minsk
Group (Russia, France and the United States), which is mediating the
conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Proponents of the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission, which continued to
meet periodically even after Chernomyrdin was replaced, said it ensured
the two countries made progress not only on strategic concerns but also
on more mundane matters such as health care and science cooperation.
"It sent a message to both bureaucracies between summits that
things had to happen," said Bruce Jentleson, who was a senior
foreign policy adviser to Gore. Without such a commission, he said,
"the bureaucratic agenda is consigned to business as usual. It's
not driven by a mandate that has to come from the top."
Bush officials say the commission itself became ossified and overly
bureaucratic. By 1999, the U.S. delegation attending commission meetings
reportedly exceeded 700 officials.
Supporters of the commission said it also allowed Gore and
Chernomyrdin to foster a personal relationship that could later be
tapped to resolve crises or issues that were beyond the mandate of
Cabinet secretaries and ministers. When the United States grew concerned
that no one at the Russian Foreign Ministry was assigned to weapons
proliferation issues, Gore raised American complaints over Russian arms
sales and nuclear assistance to Iran with Chernomyrdin. During the
Kosovo war in 1999, Gore was able to use his back channel to
Chernomyrdin to help secure Russia's support for a U.S. plan to end the
conflict.
Bush administration officials, however, said they anticipate strong
personal ties in the absence of the commission, pointing to a budding
relationship between Secretary of State Colin L. Powell and Russian
Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov. "It's possible to develop a personal
relationship without having the whole commission structure that
surrounds it," a senior State Department official said.