Democrats, Others Concerned About President's New Trust in Russian
Leader
By Steven Mufson and Dan Balz
Washington Post Staff Writers
President Bush telephoned three European leaders yesterday to
reinforce a positive view of his talks with Russian President Vladimir
Putin, as foreign policy experts questioned whether the substance of
U.S.-Russia relations would live up to the gushing rhetoric that
followed Saturday's summit.
Bush called British Prime Minister Tony Blair, Spanish Prime Minister
Jose Maria Aznar and Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski, then said
he would "follow up and put an action plan in place to take
advantage of the cooperation that I'm confident can exist."
Bush reiterated to reporters that, "The conversation with
President Putin was positive. . . . It indicated to me that we can have
a very frank and honest relationship, that there are areas where we can
work together."
But many Democrats and some Republicans expressed concern about the
summit. Democrats on Capitol Hill particularly took issue with Bush's
declaration that after 90 minutes he had decided Putin was
"trustworthy."
Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joseph R. Biden Jr.
(D-Del.) said Sunday on NBC's "Meet The Press" that he did not
trust the former KGB officer. Yesterday, Sen. John Edwards (D-N.C.) told
reporters and editors at The Washington Post that he was baffled by
Bush's statement that he had seen Putin's soul. "He decided on the
spot that he would trust him? I don't know," Edwards said.
"It may be a little premature for that kind of judgment after a
90-minute meeting," said Zbigniew Brzezinski, who was President
Jimmy Carter's national security adviser. Bush was "overdoing the
personal gushiness, which had an amazingly patronizing element," he
added.
Condoleezza Rice, Bush's national security adviser, dismissed
suggestions that Bush's public effusiveness reflected any naiveté about
the Russian leader or the differences between the two countries on
issues such as missile defense, NATO enlargement, fighting in Chechnya,
nuclear proliferation and Russian press freedom.
"This was not a meeting in which anybody pulled any
punches," Rice said in a telephone interview last night. "It
wasn't one of those cases of both trying to make the other feel good by
agreeing where they didn't. . . .
"What the president did was establish a personal relationship,
even a rapport, from which they can now try to work on the agenda before
them," she added. "But this is not a president who is at all
uncertain about what he's trying to achieve with the Russians."
Still, some foreign policy experts took a skeptical view.
"He's taken a gamble that this personal relationship will pay
off in terms of tangible things later on," said Michael McFaul, a
senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
McFaul applauded Bush's speech in Warsaw the day before the summit,
in which the president called for expanding NATO to include the former
Soviet republics of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. But he said he
worried that Bush had blunted his own message about the importance of
building democracy in Russia by being "too cozy with Putin."
"It's obviously a good thing that they met, that they got along
well. . . . If they had gotten along badly that would have been a really
major drama with consequences," said Richard C. Holbrooke,
ambassador to the United Nations in the Clinton administration.
"But the meeting had no substance to it. Since the meeting was
bookended by actions by Putin in Shanghai and Belgrade that are hostile
to American policy, the question must be asked, 'Where's the beef?'
"
Shortly before seeing Bush, Putin met the leaders of China,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in Shanghai, where
they condemned U.S. plans for missile defense. On Sunday, immediately
after meeting Bush, Putin made a stop in Belgrade, where he sharply
criticized NATO's performance in the Balkans.
In criticizing Bush, some Democrats noted that Republicans had
repeatedly attacked President Clinton for relying too heavily on his
personal relationship with then-Russian President Boris Yeltsin.
But a senior Bush administration official disputed the comparison.
"The problem in the [Clinton administration] was that Boris Yeltsin
became synonymous with Russian reform," the senior official said.
"When it became absolutely clear that Boris Yeltsin was not
committed to reform and that things were going badly for reform, the
personal relationship got in the way of speaking plainly about what was
going on in Russia. That is not what happened with Putin."
Bush's vow to push NATO expansion blunted criticism he might
otherwise have drawn from conservative Republicans wary of Russia's
intentions.
William Kristol, editor of the Weekly Standard, said conservatives
were pleased with Bush's overall performance and "willing to
overlook the slight rhetorical excess" about Putin. He said "Reaganite
conservatives" felt vindicated that a president could push for NATO
expansion to Russia's borders, advocate missile defense "and still
have a relationship" with the Russians.
"Bush loses nothing by taking this position and hoping that it
turns out to be vindicated by events," said Richard Perle, a former
Pentagon official in the Reagan administration who is close to the Bush
administration. "If events don't vindicate him and Putin turns out
not to be trustworthy, no one would complain if the president pronounced
that at some point in the future."
Brzezinski also said that "the important part of the meeting is
that basically Putin went to it all smiles the day after Bush pledged,
really in a binding fashion, to significantly expand NATO."
Presidential counselor Karen P. Hughes said Bush's public comments
about Putin reflected his sense that "the meeting surpassed his
expectation in terms of how frank and candid it was."
But some conservatives were still put off by Bush's embrace of Putin.
The Center for Security Policy, a think tank run by former Reagan
official Frank J. Gaffney Jr., said that the "one blemish" on
Bush's trip was his declaration that he was able to get a sense of
Putin's "soul." In a statement, the group said Bush's
description of Putin as "an honest, straightforward man" was
"simply over-the-top."
Bush's European debut tour did nothing to halt the erosion in his
approval ratings at home. In a new poll by the Pew Research Center,
completed Sunday, 50 percent of those surveyed now approve of how he is
handling his job, with 33 percent disapproving.
The Pew study also found that most people paid little attention to
the European trip, with just 10 percent saying they were following
Bush's first major foreign journey very closely. That's half of the
percentage that paid very close attention to the decision by Vermont
Sen. James M. Jeffords (I) to leave the Republican Party.