By Jim Hoagland
The vast wind machines that modern political leaders employ to create
word pictures of themselves in the usually otherwise occupied minds of
their citizens count for relatively little in times of true crisis.
Existential threats draw out and expose the true nature of leadership
and of those who practice it.
Abroad, two men stand out in quickly grasping the possibilities that
rise from the terror of Sept. 11 and the Bush administration's efforts
to shape the international environment for a U.S. response. In very
different ways, Britain's Tony Blair and Russia's Vladimir Putin see
opportunities in this crisis and reach for them.
Less than a month into a struggle that President Bush declares will
last for years, Blair and Putin have articulated separate visions of
where the war on terrorism can take the world. These visions are powered
by self-interest and national ambitions, not surprisingly. But both go
beyond simple self-interest to link today's actions to tomorrow's
consequences and to the fate of their nations.
Caution and haggling have emerged as the default position for many
nations as the initial waves of shock and sympathy subside. Saudis,
Egyptians, Chinese and others respond to Washington's stress on
coalition-building by asking the first question of politics-as-usual:
What's in it for me? The American tab for asking other nations to do the
right thing threatens to be enormous, if not unpayable, over the long
haul.
But Blair and Putin see a moment in which power relationships in the
world can be changed in profound ways by ideas and new thinking as well
as by bargaining. They are willing to make down payments on the future
and thus to influence it.
Important distinctions need to be made between two leaders who act
independently. I have in the past praised Blair's determination to
pursue a new moral world order (especially during the Kosovo emergency)
and questioned Putin's commitment to democracy and his tolerance of
Russian atrocities in Chechnya. These filters remain and no doubt color
my perceptions.
But the political behavior of Blair and Putin in recent days
transcends and alters established images. These relatively youthful men
(Blair is 48; Putin turns 49 today) do not run from dramatic change.
They run to lead it in their direction.
It is not possible in this space to do justice to the masterful,
intensely personal speech Blair gave last Tuesday to his Labor Party's
annual convention. He outlined why and how the campaigns to end
terrorism and the conditions that help sustain terrorism must be waged
jointly. He made a powerful case for supporting not just an American
president but also America's imperfect but dynamic society. And he
traced the way in which Britain could soon become an integral part of a
new, transformed Europe.
"Tony Blair hopes that the world anti-terror campaign will make
Europe mean something. He wants Europe to matter to itself, to its
citizens and to the Americans," the Guardian's Hugo Young wrote of
the speech. The other, fearful side of that coin was put to me in
Washington by Claude Imbert, founder and publisher of Le Point magazine
in Paris:
"I worry about Europe's response to this crisis. This is a
moment for conviction and optimism, such as I find in America now, not
for the cynicism and subtleties of diplomacy and politics as often
practiced in Europe."
In Brussels on Wednesday, Putin made a skillful bid to enlarge the
opening for Russia in Europe's most important institutions and
ambitions. He sought to hitch Russia's wagon to the urgency of the
anti-terrorism horse.
He outlined a program of cooperation with the European Union on
Russian membership in the World Trade Organization. Putin also advanced
a promising dialogue nurtured by NATO Secretary General George Robertson
by imagining out loud that NATO membership for the Baltic states and
perhaps eventually for Russia could contribute to stability in Europe.
He did this after overruling his military on cooperating extensively
with Washington on Afghanistan.
Actions will count far more than words in the days to come. But
history's door is swinging on its hinges, as the humanistic agenda of
Blair and the skillful opportunism of Putin both demonstrate.
It has been said that Sept. 11 has already changed world politics and
foreign relations. That is a premature judgment. Blair and Putin both
understand that the direction of that change is not inevitable or easily
foreseeable. It can be channeled by imagination and effort. Influencing
the dramatic change to come is still an option for genuine leaders;
halting that change is not.