Russian
President Vladimir Putin must prove he is a true partner in America’s
war against terrorism by distancing Moscow from the rogue states of Iran
and Iraq, writes a top Russia expert.
As Russia and the United States bask in the warm afterglow of the
recent Bush-Putin summit, several looming tests will determine whether
Russia is now a true friend and ally of the United States or whether
Russian President Vladimir Putin joined the U.S.-led anti-terrorism
coalition merely to win support for Russia’s suppression of the
Chechen rebellion.
These tests will gauge the reaction of Russia, which is being
considered for future NATO membership, to the growing U.S. confrontation
with Iraq, the types of weapons and technology it will sell to Iran and
its behavior toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Will Russia put its commercial interests ahead of containing Iraq?
With more than $1 billion in annual trade between Moscow and Baghdad
and Russia’s hope for more lucrative contracts, it will be interesting
to see if Russia puts its commercial interests ahead of its stated
commitment to the war on terrorism. Will Russia back the United States
if Washington, following a Taliban defeat in Afghanistan, launches an
attack against Saddam’s regime after concluding that there is a
convincing link between Iraq and the terrorists who perpetrated the
Sept. 11 attacks or those who spread anthrax in the United States, or
that Iraq is developing weapons of mass destruction? Will Russia be
willing to exert serious pressure on Saddam to admit U.N. weapons
inspectors, should the administration threaten a war if the inspectors
are not returned to Iraq?
And while the United States and Russia just voted for a six-month
extension of the U.N.’s “oil-for-food” program for Iraq, the issue
of “dual-use” or military-capable imports has not been settled. In
July, Moscow vetoed a U.S.-British proposal which, in return for easing
restrictions on the importation of civilian goods, would have tightened
the sanctions on dual-use items and, simultaneously, stepped up efforts
to curb Iraqi oil smuggling that enables Saddam to evade restrictions on
Iraqi oil revenues. Reportedly, Moscow agreed to consider, by next July,
the U.S. dual-use list, but whether it will accede to the list is still
an outstanding question for the burgeoning U.S.-Russian relationship.
Russia continues to supply Iran with sophisticated missile
technology
Another key test for Moscow lies in its supply of missile technology
to Iran. Despite frequent U.S. and Israeli appeals at the highest
levels, Russian companies have maintained an uninterrupted flow of
technology that has enabled Iran to build the Shahab 3 missile, which is
capable of hitting Israel. Russia’s continuation of providing Iran
with sophisticated missile technology or selling to Tehran, as part of a
recently announced arms deal, an advanced air-defense system and modern
ship-to-ship missiles, would gravely endanger U.S., European and Israeli
security interests and could hamper the movements of U.S. forces in the
Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean.
Russia and Israel have expanded their defense and business ties
The final test for Moscow will be its reaction to the rapidly
escalating Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Since Putin came to power two
years ago, he has adopted a much more evenhanded position to the
conflict than his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin. Indeed, Putin has strongly
endorsed the U.S.-supported Mitchell plan as the way to ending violence
and returning to negotiations.
While the Russian Foreign Ministry still tilts toward the Arabs,
Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov, who once compared Israel's problems with
Hamas and Islamic Jihad to Russia’s problems in Chechnya, seems much
more supportive of Israel. In fact, the Russian Defense Ministry is
cooperating with Israel in the development of an AWACS
command-and-control plane and has been putting a number of Israeli spy
satellites into orbit. In addition, Russian businessmen have a keen
interest in nurturing the more than $1 billion in annual trade between
the two countries.
Should the Israeli-Palestinian conflict continue to escalate,
countries such as Syria could be drawn into the conflict, and Russia may
be tempted to exploit the situation to sell Syria the extremely capable
SAM-300 air defense system which Damascus has long coveted, with Saudi
Arabia possibly paying for the deal. Such a sale would seriously
complicate Israel’s retaliatory capabilities, and would further
escalate the Arab-Israeli conflict.
While there appears to have been a change for the better in
Russian-American relations since Sept. 11, rapidly changing developments
in the Middle East will clearly pose major tests for the evolving
relationship between the former adversaries. —Robert O. Freedman
Dr. Freedman is Peggy Meyerhoff Pearlstone Professor of Political
Science at Baltimore Hebrew University and Visiting Professor of
Political Science at Johns Hopkins University. Among his publications
are Moscow and the Middle East (1991), Israel Under Rabin (1995) and
Israel’s First Fifty Years (2000).