Clinton Trip - June 2000

Clinton visits Moscow and Kyiv 
June 3-5, 2000

President Clinton will be visiting Moscow, Russia, on June 3 and 4 and will meet with President Vladimir Putin.  On June 5, the President also will travel to Kyiv, Ukraine, to visit with President Leonid Kuchma. We have consulted with the National Security Council and State Department on issues of concern related to the Russian and Ukrainian Jewish communities.

Please continue to check the Web site for the latest developments regarding the summit. Updates and statements are also available through the White House Web site.

President Clinton's Official Itinerary in Moscow and Kyiv

SATURDAY, JUNE 3
BERLIN, GERMANY and MOSCOW, RUSSIA

President Clinton will participate in the Conference on Progressive Governance and travel to Moscow, where he will have a working dinner with President Putin.

SUNDAY, JUNE 4
MOSCOW, RUSSIA

President Clinton and President Putin will hold a series of bilateral meetings at the Kremlin and hold a joint press conference.

           
                     Photo by David Scull

MONDAY, JUNE 5
MOSCOW, RUSSIA and KIEV, UKRAINE

President Clinton will address the Russian parliament. In Kiev, Ukraine, he will meet with President Kuchma and deliver a speech to the people of Ukraine.

           
                     Photo by David Scull

NCSJ Recommendations to President Clinton

May 24, 2000

The Honorable William Jefferson Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20502

Dear Mr. President:

On the eve of your upcoming visit to Russia and Ukraine, we would like to offer our best wishes for a successful trip. NCSJ appreciates the strong support you and your Administration have provided to the Jewish communities of the successor states.

In preparation for your meetings with Russian and Ukrainian leaders, we wish to submit "Advocacy, Awareness and Activism: Confronting Anti-Semitism in Russia and Ukraine," an update on the current situation for Jews in the region and recommendations on how to approach issues of concern.

The Jewish minority has made great strides, with instrumental support and inspiration from the U.S. Government and the American Jewish community. These accomplishments, however, can only bring lasting results in an atmosphere of tolerance and governmental responsibility within the successor states.

Among the vestiges of Soviet and pre-Soviet history, anti-Semitism is no longer condoned by the state, nor is it adequately contested. The Russian leadership’s failure to consistently condemn anti-Semitic media appeals has fed a climate of xenophobia. As the new President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin can fulfill his commitments to fight intolerance by condemning those who resort to bigotry as well as implementing and endorsing programs that promote pluralism. Such actions can be maximized through the appointment of a high-level coordinator who would report directly to President Putin and have the broad-based authority to implement his policies on tolerance.

Restitution of communal property seized by the Soviet regime represents a significant piece of unfinished business in the wake of Communism. While

this issue applies to both Russia and Ukraine, the window of opportunity is widest in Ukraine as the result of your Administration’s engagement, together with Members of Congress and the Jewish community. The Ukrainian government has expressed a new willingness to identify and restitute properties so that the revival of Jewish communal life will not be further impeded. Given President Leonid Kuchma’s new working relationship with the Ukrainian Rada, your visit to Kyiv could encourage the introduction and adoption of meaningful legislation to protect these properties from irreversible privatization.

In your forthcoming meetings with Russian and Ukrainian leaders, we hope you will refer to the attached report and recommendations. The active defense of minority rights is a prerequisite rather than a hindrance to domestic growth and stability and to fuller integration into the community of free nations. Your personal leadership in this regard has been, and continues to be, indispensable.

Once again, we wish you success in every facet of your visit to the region, and look forward to learning the outcome of your meetings.

Respectfully,

Denis C. Braham   Howard E. Sachs       Mark B. Levin
      Chairman           President            Executive Director

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Advocacy, Awareness and Activism
Confronting Anti-Semitism in Russia and Ukraine

May 2000

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The Presidential visit to Russia and Ukraine provides a timely opportunity to reinforce America's support for the transition to democratic and pluralistic societies which ensure minority rights and religious freedom. Anti- Semitism in Russia continues to cause great concern as hate groups gain supporters and political power but are inadequately and inconsistently condemned by government leaders and officials. In Ukraine, the Jewish community faces anti-Semitism in the media while hoping for concrete progress in the restitution of communal properties seized by the Soviet regime.

Among the notable contributions of the advocacy movement for Jews in the successor states during the past three decades are securing freedom of emigration and ensuring conditions for the rebirth of Jewish life. Today, however, popular anti-Semitism remains a serious threat in Russia and other states, more serious for the shortage of institutional responses. The best response to this phenomenon is preemptive, beyond the importance of reacting to manifestations that are already intensifying and spreading.

Recommendations

Speaking out: It is imperative for government and civic leaders to denounce the inflammatory and irresponsible words which, in too many cases, inspire violence and undermine public confidence in the rule of law. This effort can be maximized in the Russian Federation by appointing a high-level coordinator with the authority to implement policies on tolerance and report directly to President Valdimir Putin.

Prosecution: Concrete action by government and non-governmental leadership must follow public statements of condemnation. The government must enforce laws already enacted to combat extremism. Policy imperatives include developing hate-crime legislation, monitoring hate-group activities, and activating law enforcement and judicial mechanisms.

Public Education: Public education campaigns against intolerance should accompany any legislative or judicial strategy, particularly in remote regions that lack the economic and educational resources of urban areas. Such programs can encourage multi-cultural understanding and be integrated into a long-range strategy toward the eradication of anti-Semitism and ethnic hatred.

U.S. Government Role: The situation also requires continued U.S. Government engagement. U.S. officials must emphasize to their counterparts in the successor states the importance of continuing the transition and developing an appropriate infrastructure to permanently support economic development, law enforcement, and minority rights. The interfaith religious leadership coalition coordinated through Moscow Chief Rabbi Pinchas Goldschmidt and the Russian Jewish Congress offers a specific example of a program which the U.S. Government and Congress can promote in the development of a civil society.

Jewish Community Role: The Jewish community is prepared to offer guidance and make recommendations to the Russian government for a comprehensive campaign to counteract intolerance, which the Russian government must ultimately implement through legislation, law enforcement, and public education.

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Advocacy, Awareness and Activism
Confronting Anti-Semitism in Russia and Ukraine

May 2000

President Clinton’s visit to Russia and Ukraine provides an opportunity to reinforce America’s commitment to the transition to democratic and pluralistic societies which support minority rights and religious freedom. As with other European countries that have seen a resurgence in hate movements and anti-Semitic appeals, Russia has also experienced this ugly phenomenon along with other successor states. This reality is at once frightening and challenging, frightening since the stakes are so high at this decisive moment in the future direction of these fragmented societies and challenging since the United States can have a tremendous impact on that future direction. To do so, America must act now to support targeted initiatives and remain committed to seeing through what promises to be a decades-long struggle.

RUSSIA

The modern phenomenon of post-Soviet hate groups combines elements from the fascism of World War II and the nationalism that stretches back to czarist times. Speakers and participants in rallies and attacks frequently resort to Holocaust references and Nazi symbolism, including use of the swastika. This present-day phenomenon is troubling in itself as the groups continue to gain supporters and political power, and in the inconsistent condemnation by Russian leaders and officials.

Russia’s 1997 Religion Law remains a source of difficulty for numerous religious denominations that are not considered "traditional" religions. Although the Religion Law recognizes Judaism as traditional, a number of Russian Jewish leaders as well as NCSJ have criticized this law out of a sense of historical memory and out of concern that the freedom of no religion can be guaranteed if that of any other religion is denied or abridged. The Religion Law could provide the legal basis for future restrictions on Jews and other religious communities currently assumed to be "traditional".

While the anti-Semitism that existed as official state policy during the Soviet era has not resurfaced, some prominent political figures, particularly those associated with the Communist Party and ultra-nationalist movements, have employed anti-Semitism to further their own political ambitions. Such anti-Semitism, espoused by political leaders in parliamentary hearings, on television, in newspapers and at mass rallies, threatens to create a hostile environment for the Russian Jewish community. While still falling short of state-sponsored anti-Semitism, sporadic statements by government officials and increasingly extreme election-oriented attacks in the state-owned media compel constant reevaluation.

The fact that this practice of scapegoating Jews as the source of Russia’s economic and social problems was less prominent than expected during Russia’s recent election cycle is largely a reflection of Russia’s focus on the ongoing campaign in Chechnya. The sustained assault on Chechnya has served to distract the attention of Russian hate-mongers, who have scrambled to fuel the xenophobia underlying much of the public support for military actions in the would-be breakaway republic. Whether the Chechen campaign succeeds or fails in Russian eyes, Russian Jews fully expect to be blamed for many of its human and financial costs. And once the Chechen people are no longer center-stage to Russian xenophobia, the venom of Russia’s extremist minority threatens to focus again on Jews.

HATE MOVEMENTS IN RUSSIA TODAY

Written and verbal statements by General Albert Makashov, a leader in the Communist Party and deputy in the Duma until last December’s parliamentary elections, include an October 1998 editorial in the Russian newspaper Zavtra in which he stated that a "Yid" (derogatory Russian term for Jew) is "a bloodsucker feeding on the misfortunes of other people. They drink the blood of the indigenous peoples of the state; they are destroying industry and agriculture." The Duma failed to approve a resolution of censure against General Makashov for his anti-Semitic remarks, when it had the opportunity in 1998 and 1999, and in particular for his comments calling for death to Jews. The Communist Party has also failed to condemn General Makashov or to discipline him.

The extremist and virulently anti-Semitic Russian National Unity (RNE) movement is a paramilitary group registered in more than two dozen Russian regions, including major population centers. It is thought to have 50-60,000 members, of whom 10 percent are actively involved. At the same time, the skinhead movement in Russia, which first appeared in the mid-1990s, had already claimed 10,000 members by 1997. In July 1998, the Russian government proposed a ban on Nazi symbols and literature, but the legislation is still awaiting approval from the Russian Parliament. Locally, however, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov prohibited RNE from holding its convention in Moscow in December 1998. Mayor Luzhkov also visited a Moscow synagogue in a show of solidarity after a bomb was found there.

Although Pamyat was the leading Russian extremist group a decade ago, its place has been taken by newer or reconstituted groups – especially RNE – whose leaders and activists demonstrate more sophisticated manipulation of the political process and therefore pose a greater threat to rule of law and protection of minorities. Attempts by the Russian government to take action against these groups have only recently begun to pay off, with news that 12 members of Russian National Unity were arrested on criminal charges. The following politicians have regularly engaged in and supported irresponsible and inflammatory rhetoric against Jews and other Russian minority groups:

General Albert Makashov, former Duma Member
Viktor Ilyukhin, Duma Member,
                          heads security committee
Gennady Zyuganov, Duma Member,
                          heads Communist Party
Vladimir Zhirinovsky, heads ultra-nationalist
                          Liberal Democratic Party
Nikolai Kondratenko, Governor of Krasnodar, Russia
Alexander Barkashov, heads Russian National Unity
Igor Semyonov, prominent in Russian National Unity

Mr. Zhirinovsky is now Deputy Speaker for foreign affairs in the new Duma, also chairing the committee responsible for media affairs, and a political associate of Governor Kondratenko now chairs the Duma committee on foreign affairs. These developments demonstrate the mainstreaming rather than the marginalizing of hate.

RNE publications and their competition, though properly characterized as extremist, have gained such wide distribution that they may no longer be considered fringe. The following publications have consistently disseminated an alarming degree of virulent anti-Semitic messages, exhorting their readers to anti-Semitic violence:

Natsionalnaya Gazeta
Russkaya Gazeta—frequently uses ‘kike,’ and other anti-Semitic words/phrases
Russkaya Mysl (weekly, Russian language) (Dec. ’98: in special issue in the form of leaflets w/ wartime posters and the appeal: "Death to the Yiddish Occupants")
Russkaya Pravda
Zavtra
Pamyat
DUEL, fascist publication circulated both in print and on the Internet, which chillingly evokes Nazi-era propaganda, flashing images of Jews as pigs to be slaughtered

The dissemination of anti-Semitic literature and the preaching of anti-Semitic and xenophobic messages by certain political leaders has contributed to numerous incidents of popular or "street" anti-Semitism in the past two years. Attacks or attempted attacks against Jews and Jewish institutions increased with alarming ferocity last summer, with the stabbing of a Moscow community leader inside the Moscow Choral Synagogue, bombs exploding adjacent to synagogues, and explosive packages found inside at least two Jewish institutions. To their credit, Moscow authorities ensured adequate police protection for the city’s synagogues during last autumn’s High Holy Day services and no serious incidents occurred, but a continuous security presence either in Moscow or elsewhere in the Russian Federation is still lacking.

RNE held a demonstration in Moscow on January 31, 1999. That same weekend, youths interrupted the convention of the liberal Democratic Choice of Russia Party, making Nazi salutes and praising Stalin. In early 1999, the town of Borovichi experienced an upsurge of anti-Semitism in the form of posters and caricatures, Jewish activists and their families were threatened with violence, and fire was set to a new Jewish community facility provided by the town. Most recently in Borovichi, on April 28, 2000, a car belonging to a synagogue security officer was set on fire in a suspected attack by neo-Nazis, and on May 10, 2000, a synagogue in the city was vandalized.

On March 7, 1999, a synagogue in Novosibirsk was desecrated. On May 1, 1999, two identical bombs exploded near Moscow’s major synagogues; RNE was the prime suspect in the investigation. On May 2 and 3, 1999, the only synagogue in Jewish Autonomous Oblast in Siberia was attacked; windows were broken and swastikas were formed out of stones in the yard. On May 18, 1999 a disconnected though powerful bomb was found inside the Shalom Jewish Theater in Moscow.

On July 13, 1999, a neo-Nazi brutally stabbed a Jewish community leader inside the Moscow Choral Synagogue, and on July 25, 1999, a powerful bomb was discovered inside another Moscow synagogue, shortly before a religious celebration. Bombs also exploded adjacent to each of two Moscow synagogues during the same period. Moscow Chief Rabbi Pinchas Goldschmidt told NCSJ at the time, "The situation is the worst it has been since I am here – it has never been worse." Rabbi Goldschmidt and his family have lived in Moscow for over ten years.

The existence of formal hate groups is now complemented by more mainstream attacks in the mass media. Carefully timed media attacks, based on the assumption that Jewish identity can disqualify candidates in the eyes of voters, have sought to tar political contenders with Jewish connections and even Jewish heritage. Most recently, O.R.T., a television network in which the Russian government has controlling interest, broadcast a news report on May 21, 2000, that attacked Vladimir Goussinsky, President of Media-MOST and of the Russian Jewish Congress, stereotyping Jews as "dual citizens" with stronger interests in Israel than their own country. This broadcast came only ten days after a May 11, 2000, federal raid of Goussinsky’s MOST offices in Moscow. MOST officials speculate that the raid was meant to intimidate the media group because of their critical view of President Putin and the ongoing struggle in Chechnya. Officially, the raid was executed to uncover tax evasion and bugging devices.

Two earlier national broadcasts over O.R.T have also been of special concern. In November 1999, days before Russia’s parliamentary election, the leading news magazine "Vremya" aired a report that accused the Russian Jewish community in general, and the Russian Jewish Congress in particular, of being a "fifth column for the West." Three days before Russia’s March 26, 2000, Presidential election, O.R.T. capped a series of attacks on reformist candidate Grigory Yavlinsky by tying his support to gays, Jews, and Israelis. During the report, the images displayed included a scene of Jews in Hasidic garb.

The series of media attacks was understood by observers and political analysts as an attempt to keep Yavlinsky from draining votes from Mr. Putin. To the best knowledge of NCSJ, the Russian government has yet to condemn or repudiate any of these reports that were watched by millions of Russians, which is particularly unfortunate since audiences are uniquely focused during election campaigns – a fact the hate-mongers seem to fully appreciate.

A leaflet disseminated across Russia in December 1999 used a photograph of Russian Jewish Congress leader Vladimir Goussinsky standing with Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov, both men wearing yarmulkes, under the heading, "A Puzzle for Children: Which of these two is Jewish?" The tag line read: "According to some information, the real name of Luzhkov is Katz. His name Luzhkov he took from his first wife." The leaflet was distributed just before Russians would vote in parliamentary elections, and Luzhkov’s party was a leading contender for seats in the Duma

Whatever these troubled economic and political times portend for Russia, former President Boris Yeltsin’s administration did make various efforts to work against the nationalist and extremist forces in Russia. In an historic address to the nation on the occasion of the 57^th anniversary of Nazi Germany’s invasion of Russia in June 1998, President Yeltsin warned for the first time of an increasing threat to Russia by the active neo-Nazi movement. In addition, he and other senior members of his government condemned a number of manifestations of anti-Semitism in Russia and pledged to take action. Those first steps were noteworthy and encouraging, but a consistent and dependable legal framework is needed.

Since entering government, President Putin has been involved in efforts to control extremist groups. As Director of the FSB (internal security service), Mr. Putin was responsible for coordinating and directing enforcement of anti-incitement statutes and other laws designed to protect minority groups. As Prime Minister, Mr. Putin addressed a delegation from the Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States), delivering a strong statement against anti-Semitism. The recent trial and committal of the Choral Synagogue attacker reaffirmed for many the commitment of Russian officials and President Vladimir Putin to protection of minorities, as did his post-election announcement that the since-recovered stabbing victim – Leopold Kaimovsky – would be nominated for decoration as a hero of the state. It is too early to judge the impact from the reported arrests of Russian National Unity members, but their successful prosecution would represent a step forward.

While official condemnation of certain verbal and physical attacks is encouraging, the delay in high-level statements helps fuel and has unintentionally encouraged the increasing frequency and severity of anti-Semitic incidents. The prevention, prosecution and condemnation of anti-Semitic crimes and incitement are only effective if employed in an ongoing and consistent manner, independent of elections and electioneering. Respecting and protecting of minority rights cannot be permanent if only implemented episodically in response to Western pressure; such measures are inherently in Russia’s own interest.

As acting President, in addition to his decorating of Mr. Kaimovsky, Mr. Putin conveyed to U.S. Congressional leaders his government’s commitment to combating anti-Semitism and other forms of ethnic and racial hatred. NCSJ and other Jewish organizations have expressed their willingness to work closely with his government and with the Russian Jewish community to implement public campaigns and training programs to promote this goal.

NCSJ is encouraged by the formation of the Interagency Program, "Formation of Tolerant Attitudes and Prevention of Extremism in Russian Society," to be developed over the next three years. The program is designed to continue the establishment of an open civil society and democratic reforms in Russia. The establishment of this program hopefully signals the government’s commitment to creating long-term public harmony through tolerant behavior and consciousness.

One example of a community-based initiative to stem the destructive forces of extremism and xenophobia in Russia is a program coordinated by Chief Rabbi Goldschmidt, acting in his capacity with the Russian Jewish Congress and in conjunction with NCSJ. The program is an unprecedented interfaith leadership coalition within the Russian Federation that can begin to address the intolerance and mutual suspicion underlying Russian society. The coalition represents the religious leadership of the Russian Orthodox, Jewish, Islamic, Catholic and Lutheran communities in the Russian Federation.

Rabbi Goldschmidt’s project is grounded in the belief that, although religion has been used to divide, it also carries the potential for facilitating dialogue and cooperation within and between communities. Despite the significant cleavages and outstanding grievances within modern Russian society, leading clergy from five disparate faiths have united to promote a common agenda of humanitarian action, communal healing, and civil society. The coalition is self-sustaining, but there will also be an opportunity for Americans to bolster its profile and impact.

UKRAINE

Ukraine presents a combination of challenges and opportunities. The history of deep-seated societal anti-Semitism in Ukraine stretches back for centuries, and the legacy of World War II and Stalinist persecutions has taken its toll on Jews as well as non-Jews. The Holocaust saw 600,000 Ukrainian Jews murdered and left a haunting symbol in the ravine at Babi Yar in Kyiv where over 33,000 Jewish victims were executed over mass graves in just two days in September 1941. Despite the painful memories, the modern-day manifestation of anti-Semitism and hate-group activity is lower in Ukraine than in neighboring Russia.

The Ukrainian Jewish community and American Jewish organizations work closely with the Ukrainian government, as well as with the U.S. administration and the Congress, on many items of interest and concern. Several issues remain unresolved, but the lines of communication and understanding are open. The issue of restitution, which has attracted much deserving attention with respect to Holocaust-era claims, is now the subject of dialogue and discussion with respect to hundreds of Jewish communal properties in Ukraine that were seized by the Soviet regime and could be used by the surviving communities. Anti-Semitism in Ukraine today is most visible through the publication of anti-Semitic articles, journals, and leaflets. As in Russia, expressions of popular anti-Semitism do increase in volume during the lead-up to national elections, as named and unnamed political contenders seek to delegitimize their opponents by tying them to Jewish stereotypes.

According to a recent report by the Jewish Confederation of Ukraine, the publication rate of anti-Semitic articles or periodicals rose 20 percent in 1998 to 265, largely the result of an influx of material from Russian sources and the political jockeying prior to Ukraine’s parliamentary elections. In 1999, which culminated in Ukraine’s Presidential election, the publication rate of anti-Semitic material slightly declined to 222 – still an unacceptably high number that included the Parliament’s own newspaper. While Ukrainian Jewish leaders feel that politicians and officials need to speak out more forcefully against the often incendiary content and packaging of these messages, the Ukrainian authorities have moved to suspend a handful of publications while others have cut circulation. Disappointingly, public condemnations have not been forthcoming from senior officials in any consistent manner.

Anti-Semitism is simmering beneath the surface, and must be addressed by Ukrainian opinion-shapers and policymakers if that nation ever hopes to achieve integration with the West. Working with Jewish leadership in Ukraine and the United States, and with the U.S. Congress and Administration, the Ukrainian Government is beginning to promote historical dialogue and redress. Much ground remains to be covered in the struggle for a tolerant society.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Post-Soviet societies now stand in the breach between the most appalling features of communism and the promise of a modern civil society. This is the critical time, not only for securing the protection of minorities today, but for ensuring the potential for future progress and societal stability.

The advocacy movement on behalf of the Jews in the former Soviet Union has made great strides over the past three decades, from attaining freedom of emigration for Jews to the rebirth of Jewish communal life, but anti-Semitism today remains a serious threat in Russia and the other successor states. The best response to this phenomenon is preemptive, in addition to addressing the manifestations that are already flaring up and spreading.

Speaking out: It is imperative for government and civic leaders to denounce the inflammatory and irresponsible words which, in too many cases, inspire violence and undermine public confidence in the rule of law. Although many members of extremist groups believe inherently in xenophobic responses to national difficulties, their leaders appeal to such passions for broader political advantage. When such ploys proceed unchallenged, the most cynical and dangerous messages gain implicit validation and extremism crosses into the mainstream. When, on the other hand, opinion-shapers and public personalities consistently condemn hateful and instigating rhetoric, this removes the cloak of respectability and reduces the value of resorting to a vocabulary of fear. And these concerns will best be addressed when Russian leaders appeal and affirm to the Russian people that extremism and violence are antithetical to democratic progress and economic integration. This effort can be maximized by President Vladimir Putin appointing a high-level coordinator with the authority to implement policies on tolerance.

Prosecution: Concrete action by government and non-governmental leadership must follow public statements of condemnation. The government must enforce laws already enacted to combat fascist propaganda and extremism. In addition, developing hate-crime legislation, monitoring hate-group activities and utilizing law enforcement and judicial mechanisms are key components to combating ethnic hatred. Anyone who propagates ethnic hatred, whether common citizen or government official, should be held accountable and prosecuted to the full extent of the law, and parliamentary immunity lifted from those elected officials who incite ethnic hatred and violence. Bringing Holocaust-era war criminals to justice also reminds the public of the horrific consequences of unbridled hate. Unfortunately, NCSJ is unaware of any successful prosecutions against those who engage in virulent anti-Semitic behavior in the former Soviet Union.

Public Education: Public education campaigns against intolerance should accompany any legislative or judicial strategy, particularly in remote regions that lack the economic and educational resources of urban areas. Such programs can encourage multi-cultural understanding and be integrated into a long-range strategy toward the eradication of anti-Semitism and ethnic hatred in Russia and elsewhere.

NCSJ advocates long-term and institutional cooperation among the U.S. government, governments of the successor states and NGOs to develop and implement educational initiatives to promote pluralism and tolerance. Integrating tolerance-oriented curricula, including Holocaust education, into the school systems is indispensable. Another important strategy involves using the mass media to counteract negative and hateful messages.

Jewish Community Role: NCSJ has been working with its member agencies, such as the Anti-Defamation League and Jewish Women International, to develop programs with Jewish community leadership on democratic initiatives. NCSJ is also working with other member agencies, such as the American Jewish Committee, to highlight particular problems as well as to identify solutions. The Jewish community is prepared to offer guidance and make recommendations to the Russian government for a comprehensive campaign to counteract intolerance, which the Russian government must ultimately fight through legislation, law enforcement, and public education.

Long-Term Framework: Addressing extremist activities means more than monitoring and investigating individual incidents or speaking out against specific individuals and groups. A system of law that protects the rights of religious minorities and which is predisposed to the prosecution of those threatening these rights is the best and lasting guarantee of a climate that promotes tolerance and the rule of law.

Institutional Focus: The list of organizations, individuals, publications and incidents relates only to the current manifestations of an undiminished extremist trend. Such organizations as Pamyat, which once led the list of anti-Semitic hate-mongers, have now been eclipsed by formerly obscure groups as RNE. Names like Vladimir Zhirinovsky, once thought to be relegated to the past by Alexander Barkashov and Albert Makashov, have now returned as mainstream hate-mongers. Without a consistent institutional focus on the phenomenon and the climate of hatred and violence, as well as on examples and practitioners of the day, there will be no respite in the present and no guarantee of rule of law for the future.

U.S. Government Role: The situation also requires continued U.S. Government engagement. U.S. officials must emphasize to their counterparts in the successor states the importance of continuing the transition to a democratic and pluralistic society and of developing an appropriate infrastructure to permanently support economic development, law enforcement, and minority rights.

The United States Congress and the Administration have been consistently engaged on the specific concerns regarding anti-Semitism and popular xenophobia as well as on the broader imperative of continued U.S. support for the agents of tolerance and civil society throughout the successor states. Beyond the confines of Capitol Hill, direct contacts with leaders and counterparts in the region are also instrumental in identifying those agents of progress and in impacting upon public attitudes.

The interfaith religious leadership coalition coordinated through Chief Rabbi Goldschmidt and the Russian Jewish Congress provide two specific ways in which the U.S. Government and Congress can contribute to the development of a civil society. The coalition plans a U.S. visit by a senior delegation of religious leadership representing the different faiths. The United States offers a broad range of useful models that clergy can apply to Russian society. The coalition also seeks to cooperate in the distribution of U.S. assistance projects, which would allow the inter-religious coalition to build working relationships and to gain credibility among and access to their own constituents.